Articles

Wagner : comment la mutinerie a-t-elle été traitée par les médias russes ?

Du 24 au 25 juin, le chef de la milice paramilitaire Evgueni Prigojine a lancé une offensive en Russie à la surprise générale, prêt à s’emparer de Moscou. Mais moins de 24 heures plus tard, Prigojine a finalement accepté de faire demi-tour après un accord avec Poutine. Cette tentative de coup d’Etat a fait couler beaucoup d’encre, tant à l’étranger qu’en Russie : comment les médias d’Etat et la presse indépendante russes ont-ils analysé le sujet ?

Mais quel était le véritable objectif de Prigojine avec cette attaque, dont seuls les dégâts matériels sont connus ? Pour comprendre l’imbroglio, il faut remonter à l’origine-même de la création de Wagner, en 2014.

Bien qu’elle opère pour servir « les intérêts de la Russie » en Ukraine et dans plusieurs pays d’Afrique, la milice Wagner n’a sur le papier aucune légitimité. En Russie, les sociétés militaires privées sont illégales.

Depuis janvier 2023, les Etats-Unis considèrent même Wagner comme « organisation terroriste. » Malgré cela, Prigojine continue d’opérer au nom du Kremlin à l’étranger.

Mais depuis l’invasion de l’Ukraine en février 2021, les relations entre la milice et l’Etat s’effritent. Evgueni Prigojine réclame plus de reconnaissance et d’indépendance, accusant les autorités de tuer ses hommes, s’attirant l’ire du président russe.

« Une atmosphère d’incertitude » en Russie

Des tensions entre les deux hommes cristallisées durant le week-end du 24 au 25 juin, où les troupes Wagner se sont emparés de la ville de Rostov et ont menacé de prendre Moscou. Le directeur de l’école de journalisme Mohyla à l’université nationale de Kiev, et cofondateur du site « StopFake.org », Yevhen Fedchenko a accepté de répondre à nos questions. Fier d’une vingtaine d’années d’expérience dans le journalisme, l’Ukrainien se concentre aujourd’hui sur le signalement des fakes news, notamment russes et ukrainiennes. 

Selon lui, la couverture médiatique russe a été « très incertaine » du début jusqu’à la fin de l’insurrection. Il évoque le « bruit de l’information » pour parler de la couverture de la rébellion de Wagner et de l’invasion russe en Ukraine : pléthore d’informations inondant les réseaux sociaux russes (Telegram) ainsi que les médias, sans que des conclusions concrètes ne soient tirées. 

Yevhen Fedchenko n’hésite pas à parler de « fausse rébellion » de la part de Prigojine, qui tentait de sauver Wagner « car il se savait en faible posture. » S’il avait vraiment voulu prendre le pouvoir, « Prigojine aurait réussi. Je pense qu’il a voulu s’introduire sur la scène internationale, faire de lui-même un nouveau partenaire pour les pays étrangers qui n’apprécieraient pas Vladimir Poutine. » 

Car avant qu’il n’envahisse l’Ukraine, Poutine était vu comme un président « prévisible » et consistant. Aujourd’hui, l’image n’est plus la même et les médias « ne semblent plus aussi assurés de prendre sa défense », affirme Yevhen Fedchenko.

Toujours selon le journaliste ukrainien, les médias russes auraient « amplifié » ce message, où les Russes et la communauté internationale doivent choisir « entre Poutine et Prigojine dans un futur incertain. » Car « si les mercenaires sont capables de s’emparer de certaines villes et du pouvoir, cela signifie que Poutine n’a pas le contrôle total du pays. » 

Toutefois, il y a bien un fil rouge dans la couverture médiatique russe, à savoir la « surprise et l’incertitude » : si auparavant les médias mettaient en avant l’autorité totale de Poutine, ils ont opéré un changement d’attitude avec l’incident Wagner. Tout d’abord, « les journalistes Russes reçoivent toujours des directives quant à leur couverture médiatique. Mais lors de la rébellion de Wagner, le Kremlin n’a pas eu le temps de le faire, les laissant dans le flou. »

Presse d’état : Poutine donne le « la »

« Qui devaient-ils soutenir ? Poutine ou Prigojine ? » Ils ont alors choisi une forme de « neutralité », en ne donnant que des informations générales relayées sur Telegram. Les mots « insurrection, rébellion, mutinerie » n’ont pas été utilisés, mais plutôt des « euphémismes » comme le note le fondateur de « StopFake », notamment en évoquant des « problèmes » et « tensions » entre Poutine et Prigojine. 

La méfiance régnait du 24 au 25 juin : toute l’opération « aurait pu s’agir d’un faux coup afin de débusquer des traitres », tant dans les rangs de Wagner que dans les médias du pays. Et si Wagner était parvenu à prendre réellement le pouvoir, leur défiance aurait pu signer la fin de leur journal.

Certains médias, notamment Komsomolskaïa Pravda, n’ont pour autant pas hésité à parler d’insurrection dès le dimanche 25 juin, le lendemain de la première prise de parole de Vladimir Poutine. Le président russe avait alors promis que les « traîtres à la Nation » seraient punis et évoqué un « coup de poignard dans le dos » de la part de Wagner. 

Aujourd’hui, les journaux n’hésitent plus à parler de « mutinerie » et « rébellion ratée », à l’instar de Rossiyskaya Gazeta (journal d’Etat), après l’allocution de Vladimir Poutine aujourd’hui et une fois le ton donné. Mais le sujet demeure néanmoins très peu documenté pour certains quotidiens, notamment Izvestia : seulement une poignée d’articles sur la rébellion ont été écrits, et le nom de Wagner y est très peu évoqué, avec un discours plus clément. 

Le quotidien évoque par exemple la « bravoure et le courage » des soldats Wagner en Ukraine et en Afrique, rappelant que la rébellion « n’est pas allée jusqu’au bain de sang fratricide » et que la guerre civile a été évitée. Pas de critique ni d’interrogations pour ces quotidiens, simplement soulagés de la résolution du conflit.

Alors, Evgueni Prigojine murmure-t-il toujours à l’oreille de Vladimir Poutine ? Rien n’est moins sûr. Le chef de la milice paramilitaire est arrivé hier après-midi en Biélorussie avec quelques-uns de ses hommes, et a assuré que les opérations de Wagner en Ukraine et en Afrique ne seraient pas interrompues. Reste à savoir si la clémence de Poutine durera éternellement.

Maud Baheng Daizey

“The persecution never stops” : in Cuba, journalists muzzled by power

Members of the House of Journalists since early January 2023, Cuban couple Laura Seco Pacheco and Wimar Verdecia Fuentes have lost none of their verve. They are determined to fight for freedom of the press and freedom of expression in Cuba, and have agreed to tell us all about the censorship they have faced on the island. 

Laura (29 years old) and Wimar (35 years old) had never visited France until their arrival on December 9, 2022. During our interview, Wimar didn’t hesitate to grab a marker to write down his thoughts on the whiteboard at his disposal. Laura, a journalist since 2018, worked for the governmental newspaper Vanguardia at first, and she wrote articles about diverse topics, mainly cultural. 

The time I spent at Vanguardia was due to my social service, which is compulsory in the state media after graduation,” she explains. She stayed there for three years. During this time, she developed a strong desire for independence. She ended up joining the media El Toque in January 2022, for the love of independent and free information.

Over 1,000 political prisoners in Cuba

According to the Cuban constitution, independent media is prohibited in the country. In September 2022, government pressure was such that El Toque experienced a wave of forced resignations. 

In an article from the same month, the media outlet explains that “scenarios of interrogation and blackmail, as well as the use of travel regulations to several of our colleagues residing in Cuba, meant that by September 9, 2022, the number of resignations of members of our team had risen to 16.” 

Faced with constant and serious threats, Laura eventually gave up “the possibility of working in any other independent journalism platform in Cuba.” Those who wish to continue working are forced to do so from abroad, at the risk of imprisonment, without access to government sources and information. 

“As far as I know, journalist Lázaro Yuri Valle Roca is in prison today,” says Laura. “The prosecutor’s office has charged him with the alleged crimes of continuous enemy propaganda and resistance. But there are at least 1,000 political prisoners at the moment. Disappearances and detentions lasting several days are commonplace in Cuba.”

“Many are not politicians, most are accused of committing common crimes. They are considered political prisoners because of the charges brought against them: corruption or espionage, for example.” Whether political, social, economic or sporting, the El Toque team was keen to cover every event in Cuban society, much to the chagrin of the government.

Le caricaturiste Wimar avec sa nouvelle peinture.

With the sharp point of his pencil, cartoonist and illustrator Wimar Verdecia Fuentes has been denouncing and challenging the Cuban regime for years, notably for El Toque. 

Wimar, a member of the independent press since 2018, first began his career as an illustrator. Not without pride, he confided to MDJ’s microphone that he was one of the first to introduce political cartooning to Cuba’s new independent media: his cartoons were published in the Xel2 supplement, owned by El Toque. 

Since September 2022, he has been part of the “Cartoon Movement“, and has already drawn on international (the war in Ukraine), sporting (the European Cup) and societal (weapons in the USA) subjects. “Cartoon Movement” is an online platform for cartoonists from all over the world to publish their work and gain greater visibility.

Wimar was also managing editor of Xel2. His resignation prompted the editorial team to close the Xel2 site, much to his dismay.

Little by little, their work at el Toque aroused the ire of the Cuban government. The newspaper became the state’s main target, as the population became increasingly interested in Wimar’s drawings and the articles by journalists like Laura.

Faced with this disturbing popularity, the Cuban government tightened its grip on the press. Between 2020 and 2021, war is declared. 

The exchange rate, a weapon of Cuban freedom of expression 

The newspaper published the informal exchange rate between the dollar and the Cuban peso, leading many people to use this rate as a guide for their transactions, in a country where the economy is heavily dollarized,” Wimar tells us. 

After this publication, El Toque became very popular with the public, with the same rate being displayed all over the country. The government then estimated that 120 pesos equaled one US dollar (unlike our rate), which caused prices to soar with speculation. They then blamed journalists. But the people were not fooled; the government knew it had lost credibility with a large proportion of Cubans. It nevertheless maintained its official discourse for those who still had faith in its claims, but it lost the hegemony of communication thanks to the independent media.”

From there, Wimar and Laura’s lives were turned upside down. “The persecution never stops. Until September 2022, I had no problem being an independent journalist. But at the end of August 2022, the authorities targeted all el Toque contributors in Cuba and other independent journalists and political activists.

One morning, “they came to get Wimar by car and took him away for three hours to threaten him. They did the same to me the next day, with the same threats. They tried to dissuade us from continuing our work.”

After that, they broadcast the video on national television accusing us of being mercenaries in the pay of the United States, editing the video so that people would think we were working for a foreign government, in order to bring about regime change in Cuba and destabilize the country. This type of accusation is particularly used against journalists and political activists.” 

Fortunately, the newspaper is entirely digital and a large proportion of its journalists are based abroad, allowing it to keep rolling.

Because of my cartoons denouncing the abuses of power, I suffered persecution and interrogation,” confides Wimar. “They forced me to quit my job too, telling me I risked ten years in prison if I refused. With the Xel2 supplement, we were able to bypass the censorship through Xel2 to which graphic humor has been subjected for over 60 years, particularly in the official state media.” Simply publishing “articles that stepped outside the government agenda exposing the government, was a slap in the face to the censors,” says Laura with a valiant smile.

We rekindled a taste for this type of journalism and other media began to follow, opening up a place for cartooning in the independent media. The government couldn’t let such freedom grow.” 

“Some journalists can’t or don’t know how to leave the island”

For the cartoonist, “the Cuban government even pursues left-wing media that defend socialism. Even the simplest communication initiative from outside the Communist Party is considered suspect and can lead to persecution. There is no left-wing government in Cuba, it’s a bureaucratic oligarchy where power is in the hands of a few people close to the Castro family.”  

“As for the economy, it’s in the hands of a conglomerate of military companies called GAESA. There is no separation of powers in Cuba, everything is controlled by the Party. This generates a context with no legal guarantees for anyone considered a dissident.”

If the two journalists managed to escape, it was thanks to the international network Cartoon for Peace and RSF. “After our forced resignations, Wimar asked Cartoon Movement for help, and they put him in touch with Cartooning for Peace. They helped us get our visas and set up in Paris. France has a history of freedom of expression, and I think they helped us protect these values,” says Laura, who came to know France through its ideals of equality and freedom.

A very discreet power

Ideals to which the journalist couple and the Cuban people have aspired for years. “While Cuba remains very discreet about its actions and the way it silences its population, it has become increasingly complicated for the government to hide its human rights violations with the advent of the Internet. Five years ago, we didn’t know what was going on in terms of activism, even when Laura worked for a government newspaper. The Internet has been a real lever for press freedom.”

While they have managed to escape the dictatorship, this is not the case for the majority of their colleagues, from whom they try to get news. “Some journalists have decided to stay but are still under threat, but they don’t want to leave the country where they were born. There have to be journalists in Cuba, especially independent ones, and others don’t know how to leave the country. Or still others prefer to remain anonymous to protect themselves.” 

Cuba has now become too dangerous for them to work in peace, so they continue their fight from France and the Maison des Journalistes. For the time being, Laura collaborates from time to time with El Toque and Wimar for “La Joven Cuba”, where he draws a humorous column every Sunday. 

But they can’t receive support online, “the Cuban people are very afraid because many depend on their work with the government or fear reprisals. There’s a law in Cuba that allows you to fine or imprison someone for giving their opinion on social networks or making fun of the government, so no one dares say anything.” A phenomenon far from discouraging them in their fight, which they know is necessary and inescapable.

By Maud Baheng Daizey. Translation by Andrea Petitjean.

CHOKRI CHIHI, exiled journalist: “In Tunisia, it’s a nightmare”

Born in Tunis (Tunisia) on April 29, 1983, Chokri Chihi grew up with his four brothers in a modest family. Although he studied a master’s degree in international private law at the University of Tunis in 2006, journalism soon became an obvious choice for Chokri: “Ever since I was little, I’ve been a talker, I talk a lot, I take part in debates. I studied law, I could have been a lawyer, but journalism came naturally to me”.

He began his career as a journalist in 2007, working for Akhbar Joumhouria, a well-known weekly in Tunisia. Chokri publishes articles on police brutality and corruption in Tunisian soccer clubs, which he strongly condemns. Passionate about sports, documentaries and news, he trained in investigative journalism, sports journalism and war journalism.

Since 2012, Chokri has also been editor-in-chief of the electronic newspaper espacemanager.com (Arabic version). He also specialized in documentary writing and creation at Al Jazeera in 2014, where he worked as an investigative journalist and documentary production assistant until 2018.

A committed journalist in the crosshairs of the authorities

In 2011, the “Jasmine Revolution” exploded in Tunisia. While he took part in the demonstrations demanding the fall of the regime as a citizen, Chokri also covered the events as a journalist.

The police violently attack demonstrators and political opponents. Chokri condemns these acts, calling for democracy. He proudly affirms that he is, and always has been, a fervent defender of freedom of expression, democracy and human rights.

Chokri Chihi during a demonstration in favor of freedom of expression in front of the headquarters of the Tunisian union “No to attacks against journalists” in 2018.

But the police didn’t appreciate the journalist’s work. He became the target of threats, provocations, harassment, assaults and kidnappings by the Tunisian police.

This marked the start of a long series of relentless attacks that would last for years, until his departure in 2022.

In 2018, Chokri’s career took a new turn. The case of Omar Laabidi, a 19-year-old Tunisian who drowned after a soccer match, prompted him to flee his country, where he was no longer safe.

“On April 1, 2018, I was covering a soccer match when a friend called to tell me that a young supporter had drowned in the river near the stadium. I went to the scene, where several police officers were present. They explained that the young man had drowned following a fight between supporters of rival clubs, and that they were looking for the missing body. I decided to investigate, and interviewed and recorded the account of a witness, only to discover that the police had chased the young man with truncheons before drowning him, as he pleaded for help. I sent the recording to a TV station, and the story became public. The police wanted me dead. I was assaulted, beaten, slapped and threatened with death by the police. I was kidnapped and severely beaten.

The Omar Laabidi case, which has become emblematic of police impunity, has shocked public opinion and prompted international reaction. The 12 police officers involved in the case were sentenced to two years’ imprisonment for manslaughter in November 2022, no less than four years after the young man’s murder.

In power since 2019, Tunisian President Kaïs Saïed leaves little room for press freedom. Under pressure from the government, many journalists censor themselves to avoid the wrath of the authorities.

On July 25, 2021, Kaïs Saïed orchestrated a coup d’état, which Chokri was quick to criticize. “There is no freedom of the press in Tunisia; arrests and imprisonment of journalists, political opponents and human rights activists have followed one another since 2021. Trials are held before military courts. Dissidents who criticize Kaïs Saïed are seen as traitors and conspirators. In Tunisia, it’s a nightmare”.

2022, one year too many

Since 2018, Chokri has suffered avalanches of threats and attacks. Yet he continues to express his opposition to the current government. His criticism has led to an intensification of police violence against him.

Chokri Chihi during a police assault in a press box at Radès stadium in 2022. ©Haikel Hamima

He filed several complaints of death threats and assaults, but to no avail, as the police formed a giant coalition against Chokri, who was at his wits’ end.

“On April 23, 2022, as I was leaving a gymnasium in which a championship handball final was taking place, four individuals in police uniforms kidnapped me and violently beat me into an armored truck. They hit me in the face and I screamed, but nobody could hear me. They tried to find excuses to take me to court and put me behind bars. They accused me of insulting the officers, then tried to plant drugs on me. When they released me, it was all too much. I’d gotten used to the threats, the provocations and the slaps. But the violence had gone up a notch, a notch I couldn’t take any more. I was living in fear, suffering from anxiety and sleep disorders, and I consulted psychiatrists. The police, for their part, were delighted to know that I was in a pitiful state. They sent me messages laughing: “Next time, we’ll rape you and shoot you in the head”. I resigned, sold my belongings and left my country for my own safety. I flew to France. After many long months of administrative procedures, I finally joined the Maison des Journalistes,” explains Chokri, with a look of sadness in his eyes.

A new beginning in France

Now a member of the House of Journalists since May 2023, Chokri is gradually regaining confidence in the future, having lost all hope in Tunisia. Now that he’s in France, Chokri continues his work as a journalist. Among other things, he publishes articles for espacemanager.com (Arabic version), takes part in demonstrations for democracy, and is a member of the Comité pour le respect des libertés et des droits de l’Homme en Tunisie (CRLDHT).

Chokri Chihi during a demonstration at Place de la République (Paris) in May 2023.

But even outside the country, he continues to receive threats: “I’m afraid to go back to Tunisia. The police know I’m in France, they’ve managed to contact me on my phone. They send me threatening messages, telling me they’re going to find me and bury me here in France. The police officers who were convicted in the Omar Laabidi case won’t leave me alone. I’m not the first journalist to have to flee Tunisia to avoid death”.

Far from giving up, Chokri has many projects in mind, including the creation of his own YouTube channel. He wishes to give a voice to North African exiles and political opponents who have found refuge in France.

By Andrea Petitjean

In Burkina Faso, is the government trying to silence the French media ?

Between disinformation campaigns and political propaganda, press freedom has deteriorated considerably in Burkina Faso. French media seem to be in the crosshairs of the Burkinabe authorities. Following the suspension of France 24 and Radio France Internationale (RFI) earlier this year, correspondents Agnès Faivre (“Libération”) and Sophie Douce (“Le Monde”) were recently expelled from Burkina Faso on April 1, 2023. Agnès Faivre agreed to answer our questions.

By Andea Petitjean

According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), the Sahelian strip threatens to become “Africa’s largest information-free zone”. The countries of the Sahel are listed as “high-risk areas” for journalists, particularly Burkina Faso, Mali and Chad. There are many dangers for media professionals there, notably due to the presence of jihadists whose attacks have become increasingly frequent since 2015, bloody intercommunity clashes, and violent military juntas. Journalists are no longer safe and access to information is limited.

Head of state since 2022 following a double coup d’état, Captain Ibrahim Traoré continues to increase pressure on the media. According to the 2023 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Burkina Faso is ranked 58th out of 180 countries. According to RSF: “Whether in Mali, Burkina Faso or Chad, as soon as they come to power, the new authorities seek to control the media through bans, restrictions, attacks or arbitrary arrests”.

Public media are particularly vulnerable during putsches. The military sought to take control of national television and radio in order to announce their seizure of power and reshape the country’s media landscape. Journalism and press freedom are under threat, in favor of propaganda.

RFI and France 24 cover African news closely, and are (or at least used to be) two very popular media in Burkina Faso. Until now, a third of the population and over 60% of managers and executives followed France 24 every week in Burkina Faso. But the French media seem to be in the firing line of the Burkina Faso authorities, as recent events testify:

In December 2022, the Burkinabe government decided to ban Radio France Internationale (RFI) from broadcasting. On March 27, 2023, France 24 was banned from broadcasting. The government accused it of broadcasting an interview with the leader of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).

But that’s not all. On April 1, 2023, Sophie Douce and Agnès Faivre, correspondents for Le Monde and Libération, were expelled from Burkina Faso. Agnès Faivre lost her accreditation after “Libération” published the findings of an investigation on March 27, which strongly displeased the authorities. The journalist, now back in France, agreed to give us an interview:

What are the risks of being a journalist in Burkina Faso?

There’s a security threat in the country, which has been facing a jihadist insurgency since 2015 that has intensified considerably from 2018-2019. It’s deteriorating very quickly, with 12 out of 13 regions more or less intensely affected by incidents blamed on armed terrorist groups. It’s risky to travel, to go into the field. Very few journalists can travel, although some Burkinabè do, but they are very rare. Moreover, since Ibrahim Traoré came to power, freedom of the press and of opinion have been progressively curtailed. Other risks have emerged for journalists, with an increase in threats, pressure and intimidation.

How is the government trying to censor/control the media and put pressure on journalists?

There is direct pressure from the authorities, and frequent calls to order. Journalists have been summoned to the Service de la Sûreté, an intelligence service, and to the Conseil Supérieur de la Communication for reframing, while others have been sued for defamation or ordered to reveal their sources. When a journalist does not follow the regime’s propaganda, he or she is attacked on social networks, or even accused of being “stateless”. Last but not least, there are hate messages posted on Whatsapp calling for the murder of certain journalists, or the burning down of the premises of Omega Médias, a free-spirited audiovisual group.

What is the current situation between the media and the government? How would you define journalist-government relations in Burkina Faso?

It’s almost a dialogue of the deaf. Burkina Faso’s journalists are trying to negotiate greater freedom of expression, the means to cover the conflict, and better access to official sources, which have been considerably reduced since September 2022. But Burkina Faso’s journalists are demonized and have little room for maneuver.

Why were you expelled from Burkina Faso?

It was following an investigation that appeared in Libération on March 27. We received a video in which a man filmed seven children and teenagers lying on the ground, visibly dead, their hands tied and blindfolded. At one point, one of them lifts a stone and drops it on a child’s face, claiming he was still breathing. It was a very cruel video featuring men dressed in “half-season” fatigues and T-shirts. We investigated these extra-judicial executions and were able to identify that elements of the regular army were present, and that it had taken place in a barracks in Ouahigouya, a town in the north of Burkina Faso. Shortly after the attack on a VDP (Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland) base, dozens of people had been rounded up in certain Ouahigouya neighborhoods, with the support of the army. The investigation strongly displeased the authorities.

How did you find out that you had been expelled from the country?

The survey was published on Monday, and on Friday I was summoned to the Sûreté, the intelligence service. The interview lasted 1h30. That evening, the officer who had interviewed me came to my home to tell me, on the doorstep, that I’d been deported and that I had 24 hours to leave the country, but he gave no reason. Overnight, the disinformation campaigns targeting me and Sophie Douce began. The day I was summoned to the Sûreté, they also summoned my colleague Sophie Douce (“Le Monde”). We really didn’t understand why she was associated with this, as “Le Monde” hadn’t investigated the video.

Correspondents Agnès Faivre (« Libération ») and Sophie Douce (« Le Monde ») 

Following the suspension of both RFI and France 24, and the expulsion of correspondents from “Libération” and “Le Monde”, the NGO Amnesty International called on the Burkina Faso authorities to “cease attacks and threats against press freedom and freedom of expression” on April 7.

While French media no longer seem welcome in Burkina Faso, the presence of French military forces was also a source of great tension.

In January 2023, several hundred people demonstrated in Ouagadougou against the French presence, demanding, among other things, the departure of the French ambassador and the closure of the French army base at Kamboinsin, where 400 special forces are stationed. Finally, on February 19, 2023, the Burkinabe government announced the total withdrawal of French soldiers from Ouagadougou, after 15 years in the country. When he came to power in autumn 2022, Ibrahim Traoré had given France 30 days to withdraw its troops (until February 25, 2023).

Brazil : does Lula’s re-election mark the return of the free press ?

For more than four years, former president Jair Bolsonaro fueled a witch hunt against the Brazilian press and its journalists. More than 150 days after the inauguration of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, what has become of the muzzled press? Can we now say that the press is free again in Brazil? L’Œil de la maison des journalistes takes stock. 

In addition to the attacks on the press, Brazil has also suffered attacks on democracy in the broadest sense. On January 8, 2023, just as millions of voters had made their choice for Brazil’s new president, riots broke out in Brasilia, the country’s federal capital, to contest the results.

More than 300 people were arrested that evening, as hundreds of pro-Bolsonaro supporters stormed administrative buildings. 

Traveling in Florida at the time of the riot, Jair Bolsonaro admitted having “accidentally” shared a video disputing the presidential results, galvanizing his supporters.

Numerous criticisms and accusations undermined the press, suspected of having fomented a rigged election with Lula. Since 2018, everything was done to muzzle journalists: online harassment campaigns, insults, denigration of their work…

Brazilian journalist, “enemy of the people”

Born in Rio in 1988, Artur Romeu lived most of his life in the capital, before moving to France between 2013 and 2015 for a master’s degree in humanitarian law. He has been working in the field for 15 years, mainly in Brazil but also throughout Latin America. Hired as an intern at RSF in 2015, Artur took over as head of the office in November 2022.

It’s difficult to have a concrete idea” of the most complicated subjects to cover according to him, as violence against the press existed long before Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency.

Since 2010, Brazil has been the country with the second highest number of journalists killed in Latin America behind Mexico” – 30 people. What did they have in common? They all worked in small and medium-sized towns, covering local and daily news. 

Journalists who are “invisible” in the Brazilian press and the major newsrooms of the southeast, but who remain the first victims of violence and prosecution.

Cyber-harassment has become commonplace for journalists, especially for those who are most popular and most present online.

Photo de Sam McGhee

“The Bolsonaro government has been able to attack the press and create this image of the journalist as the enemy of the people in the collective imagination, and the major networks are particularly targeted.”

In 2022, RSF carried out a survey of journalists facing hate networks: in 3 months, during the election period, the team noted over three million attacks on Twitter (offensive content, insults…). The Bolsonarian government operated a “coup de force to discredit the press and control public debate.” 

A situation that the Lula government is now trying to reverse, thanks in particular to the creation of a national observatory on violence against the press, under the aegis of President Lula.

“However, there are still ‘zones of silence’ for journalists in the country. If we talk about censorship in these areas, for example, people can sometimes find it hard to understand.”

Environment and agriculture, black sheeps of journalism in Brazil

Areas of silence” corroborated by journalist Pierre Le Duff. “In many rural regions of the country, such as the central-west, agriculture and large rural estates are the main sources of wealth and employment.” 

Currently freelancing for several television, radio and online media in Brazil for almost five years, Pierre Le Duff agreed to talk to MDJ. 

According to the journalist, “all the subjects linked to agribusiness, human rights and the environment” are very complicated to cover. Pesticides, water use, deforestation, fires, slave labor… remain mostly taboo.

One of her colleagues had a painful experience of this, “following a report on the historic fires that ravaged the Pantanal in 2020. My colleague received a message from the son of a farmer we had interviewed,” telling her that she and her team would “no longer be able to return to the region.” 

“His father had told us that he used slash-and-burn agriculture, a practice that had been singled out as the main cause of the fires, which had grown to gigantic proportions. It was simple intimidation, received after the publication of our report.” 

However, Pierre Le Duff points to “the murder last year of British journalist Dom Phillips in the Amazon, which reminds us that being a foreigner is no guarantee of protection” in Brazil.

“Anyone who closely investigates subjects as sensitive as criminal activity in the Amazon or other isolated regions of Brazil is potentially putting themselves at risk.”

Polarizing political debate to muzzle the press

Mistrust of the foreign media is also rife: “we are all the more suspected of being biased in our coverage. But those most likely to face hostility from far-right activists, or online harassment, remain journalists from Brazil’s mainstream media, who are also highly critical of Bolsonaro’s government.

Pierre Le Duff nonetheless temporizes, and points out that he has never been personally threatened because he has “rarely covered very sensitive subjects“, such as the elections or Amazonia. 

However, outside of these subjects, “Brazilians are pretty open when it comes to talking to journalists. They have a relaxed relationship with images, which makes things easier for television. But politics, since the 2018 presidential campaign, is a topic that some simply don’t want to talk about.

For many of the country’s citizens, the refusal to speak out is explained “by the fear that their words will be hijacked to serve a left-wing discourse or the interests of the opposing camp.” 

After four years of a mortifying policy against the media, pro-Bolsonaro are “convinced that journalists are all left-wing and anti-Bolsonaro, to the point of abandoning all ethics with the sole aim of damning him. This has been a reality since 2018, and has become even more pronounced during the 2022 presidential campaign.

Woman, journalist and Brazilian: the triple whammy

Franco-Brazilian Bruno Meyerfeld, a freelancer working for Le Monde since 2019, points out that “it’s always more difficult to work on local subjects when you’re Brazilian rather than foreign.” 

In his view, the most complicated topics to cover remain corruption and embezzlement at local level.

Talking about a member of parliament, a councillor or a mayor who embezzles funds or takes part in illegal activity represents a very great risk” for Brazilians, “as does talking about gold mining.” 

But attacking paramilitary organizations and militias proves to be the most dangerous: “the police and military enjoy great impunity in Brazil, especially in Rio“, testifies Bruno Meyerfeld.

Although he has not personally received any threats or pressure, “I have been taken to task by pro-Bolsonaro supporters. Foreign journalists can then be physically threatened.”

In 2019, reporting from the Amazon shortly before the diplomatic crisis between Macron and Bolsonaro, Bruno felt “real hostility from local communities involved in deforestation.” 

Attempts at intimidation and espionage were the order of the day, “but there were no direct threats, just “dangerous” attitudes. In this kind of situation,if you stay, we can’t guarantee what will happen.” 

Bruno Meyerfeld takes the example of an interview with a Bolsonarist elected official in the northeast of the country, who had the slogan “if you move, I’ll shoot“, and stored rifles in his office. His assistant himself carried a Kalashnikov, and a mannequin in bulletproof vest stood in the room. 

Interviewees sometimes put their pistols on the table or display them prominently, especially in Brasilia where there are a lot of weapons,” making the interview that much more anxiety-inducing.

A tension that can lead to the death of foreign journalists, such as Dom Philips on June 5, 2022, but the risk falls particularly on Brazilian journalists, “whose murder can go unnoticed. They don’t have the same protection; we have the status, the nationality and the media to back us up.

An even more terrible situation for the country’s female journalists, in a “very misogynistic” society, where intimidation and marginalization of women are ingrained in the culture. Brazil is one of the countries with the highest number of feminicides, leading to much domestic violence. Journalism is no exception to the rule, where Bruno Meyerfeld observes “a huge difference in treatment.” 

Threatened publicly and physically, they will have lived through hell under the Bolsonaro presidency. The former president and his sons tried to “destroy the lives of two Brazilian journalists“, in particular Patricia Campos Mello, author of an extensive investigation into the Bolsonaro party

Major campaigns of intimidation and online harassment punctuated their daily lives throughout the presidency.

All the obstacles that the Brazilian media players have to overcome do not prevent them from following through on their investigations, nor from helping foreign journalists if need be. For Bruno, the “great generosity” of Brazilian journalists is a reality. 

“They take considerable risks because they are passionate about their profession, and they are aware of the weight of truth in a country with a fragile democracy. They have a much stronger investigative culture than in France, and sometimes they even offer us subjects to help us. There’s no animosity or rancor on their part towards other journalists,” he testifies.

But with the inauguration of President Lula, our interviewee describes “a country that is generally calmer, at the end of a very tough political cycle.” With the hundreds of arrests following the riots of January 8, pro-Bolsonaro “have understood that they risk ending up in prison and that justice can crack down“, leading to less violence in the streets.

However, Brazil still has a long way to go to proclaim the return of a free and independent press: the country still ranks 110th in RSF’s press freedom index, and continues to attack the lives of journalists. It remains to be seen whether the Observatory of Violence against the Press will soon be able to protect reporters and consolidate press freedom.

Maud Baheng Daizey. Translation by Andrea Petitjean.

La poursuite des restrictions contre la liberté en Tunisie : arrestation de deux étudiants pour une chanson satirique

Mardi 16 mai 2023, les unités de sécurité tunisienne ont arrêté deux étudiants Youssef Chalbi et Dhia Nasseur, après la publication sur les réseaux sociaux d’une chanson satirique qu’ils ont réalisée, critiquant la police. Un troisième étudiant a réussi à s’échapper.

Selon Imen Souissi, avocate des deux étudiants, la justice leur reproche d’avoir « porté atteinte à autrui via les réseaux sociaux » et d’avoir « attribué des faits inexacts à un agent public » et s’ils sont déclarés coupable, ils peuvent encourir une peine de prison jusqu’à 4 ans.

La défenseuse des droits, a également indiqué que l’arrestation ne fait pas suite à une plainte, et qu’il s’agit d’une décision prise de la part d’un agent de police, due à la popularité de la vidéo.

Une comparution a été fixée le mardi 23 mai devant le tribunal de Nabeul, des avocats se sont portés volontaires pour défendre les deux étudiants au nom de la liberté d’expression. Selon L’avocate Imen Souissi, « aucun juge ou policier n’a le droit de juger une œuvre d’art, sauf si elle incite à la haine ».

Une satire contre les arrestations arbitraires

L’antenne régionale de la LTDH (Ligue tunisienne pour la défense des droits de l’Homme) de Nabeul, a dénoncé dans une déclaration,  l’arrestation des deux étudiants et a demandé leur libération immédiate et inconditionnelle, considérant qu’il s’agit d’un acte contre la liberté d’expression et d’un contrôle de la création, qu’on ne peut pas évaluer. Sauf de la part d’un critique d’art spécialisé.

La LTDH considère l’arrestation, arbitraire, et ne respecte pas les droits et les libertés, et a appelé les organisations civiles à la participation à une manifestation, mardi 23 mai. Date de l’audience au tribunal.

Dans leur vidéo, les trois jeunes ont critiqué d’une manière satirique la police et ses pratiques, notamment, comment les agents s’introduisent chez les citoyens sans mandat, et les soumet à un dépistage de drogue, afin de justifier les arrestations arbitraires.

Cette incarcération témoigne de la situation des droits de l’Homme qui se dégrade de plus en plus en Tunisie, à cause des multiples condamnations de la part des forces de l’ordre, des manifestants depuis l’annonce du président tunisien Kaïs Saïed de la procédure 25 juillet 2021. Cette formalité réduisant les libertés au sein du pays, inquiète autant  les tunisiens que la communauté internationale.

En Tunisie, une dizaine de journalistes et d’opposants au président, ont été condamnés suite à leur expression du désaccord avec les politiques du gouvernement.

Les militants politiques continuent à faire opposition à Kaïs Saïed, malgré l’arrestation de plusieurs membres et leaders.

Chokri Chihi

GUINEA. THE PRESS AGAINST THE MILITARY JUNTA

Journalist, TV host, producer and director of institutional documentaries and fiction, Alhussein Sano is a Guinean intellectual. He entered the media world with the creation of his production agency MAXI PLUS in 1995, and can look back on 28 years of journalistic experience. Now a member of the Maison des Journalistes, Alhussein discusses the weakening of press freedom in Guinea through his trials and tribulations.

In 2007, his CLAP arts and culture program became part of the national television network (RTG1) and is his proudest achievement. Satisfied with the ratings, the channel asked him to perfect the program schedule from 2009 onwards. Despite the promising career ahead of him, Alhussein nevertheless notes that replacements at RTG are based on ethnicity: “RTG’s administration was very Malinkinized from 2010 onwards (editor’s note: the Malinké ethnic group has become the majority among administrators), and it was impressive: the new editorial line was now based on praise for the new president at the time, Alpha Condé”, with no regard for journalistic neutrality. 

Despite the chaotic political situation, Alhussein was appointed program director in 2013, “at the suggestion of the director at the time.” He then pursued his projects for RTG and for MAXI PLUS, “one of the best-equipped production companies in the country.

Ethnicity, central to the life of a Guinean journalist

But in February 2019, just as President Alpha Condé had reached the end of his second term, the country went up in flames. President since 2010, Alpha Condé was attempting to amend the constitution to maintain his grip on power, triggering violently repressed demonstrations and the anger of the opposition. Alpha Condé’s rival political party, the FNDC, held elections despite dozens of deaths, reaffirming its position for a third term in 2020. A coup d’état by the military junta on September 5, 2021 finally led to his removal from office. 

A dark period for Alhussein, starting in 2019: invited by RTG’s managing director to a meeting of his political party, the RPG, Alhussein understands that he is expected to fall in line. “He decided that this was a good opportunity for me, because I belong to the Malinké ethnic group like him“, one of the country’s main ethnic groups, from which Alpha Condé is descended. “I was shocked by what he said,” explains our JRI in a relentless tone. “I told him that my profession as a journalist demanded impartiality in my work.” This resistance cost him his home and he paid for it with exile. He affirms that “I never accepted his proposal, because this community divide played no part in my decision, especially as I didn’t support their plan for a third mandate. Over time, the divorce between us became definitive.”

Little by little, Alhussein saw his responsibilities and his work trampled underfoot: the simple refusal to take part in a political meeting was enough to destroy his career in Guinea. “I was excluded from all the channel’s activities. Our relationship really soured because of my cousin Abdourahamane Sano, National Coordinator of the FNDC (Front National pour la Défense de la Constitution), a civilian group opposed to the military junta.”

The high price of press resistance

A social opposition movement, the FNDC is behind a series of demonstrations against the modification of the Constitution in February 2019 against Alpha Condé. The CNRD offered his cousin Abdourahamane Sano a seat in the transitional government, which he refused. He had aroused the ire of the regime, which therefore focused on Alhussein.

“I was then replaced by an RPG party activist in my post, to break my career plan.” As if that wasn’t enough, Alhussein was demoted to head of the Production and Directing Section at RTG 2, a non-broadcasting channel. 

Still with a fierce desire to do his job and a production company of his own, the Guinean journalist concentrated on his projects, in particular making a documentary on the activities of the FNDC, for which his cousin worked. Unfortunately for him, the difficulties didn’t stop there.

He explains to our microphone that “following the coup d’état of September 5, 2021, perpetrated by the military group CNRD (Comité National du Rassemblement pour le Développement), Guineans thought they had lost an executioner (Alpha Condé) and thought they had found themselves a hero, the head of the military junta Colonel Mamady Doumbouya.” Yet, as Alhussein so aptly recalls, Mamady Doumbouya “had witnessed and participated in the exactions of Alpha’s regime.” 

Skeptical, Alhussein observes the vise tightening around Guinean journalists, including himself. “Military regimes often show little respect for human rights, and use every means to silence political leaders who do not share their ideals,” he laments.

In January 2022, Alhussein was invited to a meeting with the new Secretary General of the Ministry of Communication, in order to reshape RTG1 and 2’s programs. Explaining that he wanted to maintain his professional integrity, Alhussein came up against a demagogic wall, costing him his position as Program Director. “The Secretary General called me out rudely: “Are you still refusing to help us? I was really surprised by this reaction, then he added in the same tone: “When you change your mind, the doors of the department will be wide open to you”. There was something fishy about all this verbal abuse. In April, I had another meeting in the General Manager’s office. Two men were in front of me: one said he liked my show, and the other confided in me that he wanted FNDC members to see my documentary“. 

A trap he doesn’t fall into. “I replied that, according to the contract, once the film had been made, the producer had to get the film back, along with all the media and rushes used. They insisted, to no avail. I suspected they were there to trick me.” 

As the discussion progressed, the men in the general manager’s office learned that Alhussein’s passport had expired. They offered to make a photocopy to end his administrative deadlock. Not fooled, Alhussein gave them only one passport, the other still holding a visa. “I understood that they were intelligence agents who wanted to confiscate my valid passport. It’s a very common practice in Guinea,” he says with some pride.

The press, collateral damage of a political crisis

Following the fall of Alpha Condé to the CNRD, the FNDC called for new waves of protests against the military junta. The junta had promised to hand over power to civilians, but settled in without announcing an expiry date.

CNRD and FNDC clashed on all fronts. “The military deemed it necessary to annihilate all FNDC actors who had played a major role in the downfall of Alpha Condé, as well as all supposed collaborators“, including himself. On July 5, 2022, as the FNDC organized a press conference, its members were brutally arrested by the police and beaten in front of the cameras. They were released after a week, at the request of the population.

After a visit from government agents, Alhussein was forced to vacate his house without notice, and was summarily evicted. He took refuge with his family in Hamdallaye, but they were under surveillance and received impromptu visits from the army, forcing him to go into hiding with friends. 

On July 29, 2022, following a large-scale citizen mobilization, Alhussein decided to check on his family. “In less than 30 minutes, two pick-ups with hooded soldiers burst into the courtyard of the family home. They knew I was there and started searching the house, confiscating phones, stealing our money and brutalizing my sisters. I barely escaped by climbing over the backyard wall.” If he manages to escape, Alhussein must leave behind his precious computers, now in the hands of the military, as well as his editing equipment.

“In Guinea, when you’re arrested, you can be killed without follow-up, or you risk dying in prison or spending years there without being tried.”

For him, the entire Guinean press is on borrowed time. “Of course, it was the same with Alpha Condé; there’s a real continuity in his policies. You can’t say everything about the Guinean junta, and you can feel it.” Independent or state-owned, the media have been and still are muzzled by those in power. 

The latest examples include a journalist summoned in July after an article on a truckload of medicines blocked by the military, and another arrested for covering the social work of mine workers in Boké this year. An asphyxiating situation for Guineans, from which it seems impossible to escape.

“All the media are controlled by the Haute Autorité de la Communication, which has kept the same president after Condé. Scripts are drawn up by the government and distributed to the public media. If a radio station wants to be commercial, it will inevitably become political. They are the very expression and communication of power. If we don’t play the game, journalists can be banned from the airwaves,” says Alhussein.

Hardly optimistic, he would like to continue his work in France, “where freedom of expression is protected. The state protects its freedom better, so now I can talk about Guinea without being worried. Even if the head of the junta leaves, all his men have been placed in the ministries, it would be an illusion.” An impasse into which Alhussein no longer plans to slip. Other Guineans, however, continue to defy the authorities and the army by simply doing their job. Information soldiers whose courage should not be forgotten.

By Maud Baheng Daizey. Translation by Andrea Petitjean.