Articles

CHOKRI CHIHI, exiled journalist: “In Tunisia, it’s a nightmare”

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Born in Tunis (Tunisia) on April 29, 1983, Chokri Chihi grew up with his four brothers in a modest family. Although he studied a master’s degree in international private law at the University of Tunis in 2006, journalism soon became an obvious choice for Chokri: “Ever since I was little, I’ve been a talker, I talk a lot, I take part in debates. I studied law, I could have been a lawyer, but journalism came naturally to me”.

He began his career as a journalist in 2007, working for Akhbar Joumhouria, a well-known weekly in Tunisia. Chokri publishes articles on police brutality and corruption in Tunisian soccer clubs, which he strongly condemns. Passionate about sports, documentaries and news, he trained in investigative journalism, sports journalism and war journalism.

Since 2012, Chokri has also been editor-in-chief of the electronic newspaper espacemanager.com (Arabic version). He also specialized in documentary writing and creation at Al Jazeera in 2014, where he worked as an investigative journalist and documentary production assistant until 2018.

A committed journalist in the crosshairs of the authorities

In 2011, the “Jasmine Revolution” exploded in Tunisia. While he took part in the demonstrations demanding the fall of the regime as a citizen, Chokri also covered the events as a journalist.

The police violently attack demonstrators and political opponents. Chokri condemns these acts, calling for democracy. He proudly affirms that he is, and always has been, a fervent defender of freedom of expression, democracy and human rights.

Chokri Chihi during a demonstration in favor of freedom of expression in front of the headquarters of the Tunisian union “No to attacks against journalists” in 2018.

But the police didn’t appreciate the journalist’s work. He became the target of threats, provocations, harassment, assaults and kidnappings by the Tunisian police.

This marked the start of a long series of relentless attacks that would last for years, until his departure in 2022.

In 2018, Chokri’s career took a new turn. The case of Omar Laabidi, a 19-year-old Tunisian who drowned after a soccer match, prompted him to flee his country, where he was no longer safe.

“On April 1, 2018, I was covering a soccer match when a friend called to tell me that a young supporter had drowned in the river near the stadium. I went to the scene, where several police officers were present. They explained that the young man had drowned following a fight between supporters of rival clubs, and that they were looking for the missing body. I decided to investigate, and interviewed and recorded the account of a witness, only to discover that the police had chased the young man with truncheons before drowning him, as he pleaded for help. I sent the recording to a TV station, and the story became public. The police wanted me dead. I was assaulted, beaten, slapped and threatened with death by the police. I was kidnapped and severely beaten.

The Omar Laabidi case, which has become emblematic of police impunity, has shocked public opinion and prompted international reaction. The 12 police officers involved in the case were sentenced to two years’ imprisonment for manslaughter in November 2022, no less than four years after the young man’s murder.

In power since 2019, Tunisian President Kaïs Saïed leaves little room for press freedom. Under pressure from the government, many journalists censor themselves to avoid the wrath of the authorities.

On July 25, 2021, Kaïs Saïed orchestrated a coup d’état, which Chokri was quick to criticize. “There is no freedom of the press in Tunisia; arrests and imprisonment of journalists, political opponents and human rights activists have followed one another since 2021. Trials are held before military courts. Dissidents who criticize Kaïs Saïed are seen as traitors and conspirators. In Tunisia, it’s a nightmare”.

2022, one year too many

Since 2018, Chokri has suffered avalanches of threats and attacks. Yet he continues to express his opposition to the current government. His criticism has led to an intensification of police violence against him.

Chokri Chihi during a police assault in a press box at Radès stadium in 2022. ©Haikel Hamima

He filed several complaints of death threats and assaults, but to no avail, as the police formed a giant coalition against Chokri, who was at his wits’ end.

“On April 23, 2022, as I was leaving a gymnasium in which a championship handball final was taking place, four individuals in police uniforms kidnapped me and violently beat me into an armored truck. They hit me in the face and I screamed, but nobody could hear me. They tried to find excuses to take me to court and put me behind bars. They accused me of insulting the officers, then tried to plant drugs on me. When they released me, it was all too much. I’d gotten used to the threats, the provocations and the slaps. But the violence had gone up a notch, a notch I couldn’t take any more. I was living in fear, suffering from anxiety and sleep disorders, and I consulted psychiatrists. The police, for their part, were delighted to know that I was in a pitiful state. They sent me messages laughing: “Next time, we’ll rape you and shoot you in the head”. I resigned, sold my belongings and left my country for my own safety. I flew to France. After many long months of administrative procedures, I finally joined the Maison des Journalistes,” explains Chokri, with a look of sadness in his eyes.

A new beginning in France

Now a member of the House of Journalists since May 2023, Chokri is gradually regaining confidence in the future, having lost all hope in Tunisia. Now that he’s in France, Chokri continues his work as a journalist. Among other things, he publishes articles for espacemanager.com (Arabic version), takes part in demonstrations for democracy, and is a member of the Comité pour le respect des libertés et des droits de l’Homme en Tunisie (CRLDHT).

Chokri Chihi during a demonstration at Place de la République (Paris) in May 2023.

But even outside the country, he continues to receive threats: “I’m afraid to go back to Tunisia. The police know I’m in France, they’ve managed to contact me on my phone. They send me threatening messages, telling me they’re going to find me and bury me here in France. The police officers who were convicted in the Omar Laabidi case won’t leave me alone. I’m not the first journalist to have to flee Tunisia to avoid death”.

Far from giving up, Chokri has many projects in mind, including the creation of his own YouTube channel. He wishes to give a voice to North African exiles and political opponents who have found refuge in France.

By Andrea Petitjean

In Burkina Faso, is the government trying to silence the French media ?

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Between disinformation campaigns and political propaganda, press freedom has deteriorated considerably in Burkina Faso. French media seem to be in the crosshairs of the Burkinabe authorities. Following the suspension of France 24 and Radio France Internationale (RFI) earlier this year, correspondents Agnès Faivre (“Libération”) and Sophie Douce (“Le Monde”) were recently expelled from Burkina Faso on April 1, 2023. Agnès Faivre agreed to answer our questions.

By Andea Petitjean

According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), the Sahelian strip threatens to become “Africa’s largest information-free zone”. The countries of the Sahel are listed as “high-risk areas” for journalists, particularly Burkina Faso, Mali and Chad. There are many dangers for media professionals there, notably due to the presence of jihadists whose attacks have become increasingly frequent since 2015, bloody intercommunity clashes, and violent military juntas. Journalists are no longer safe and access to information is limited.

Head of state since 2022 following a double coup d’état, Captain Ibrahim Traoré continues to increase pressure on the media. According to the 2023 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Burkina Faso is ranked 58th out of 180 countries. According to RSF: “Whether in Mali, Burkina Faso or Chad, as soon as they come to power, the new authorities seek to control the media through bans, restrictions, attacks or arbitrary arrests”.

Public media are particularly vulnerable during putsches. The military sought to take control of national television and radio in order to announce their seizure of power and reshape the country’s media landscape. Journalism and press freedom are under threat, in favor of propaganda.

RFI and France 24 cover African news closely, and are (or at least used to be) two very popular media in Burkina Faso. Until now, a third of the population and over 60% of managers and executives followed France 24 every week in Burkina Faso. But the French media seem to be in the firing line of the Burkina Faso authorities, as recent events testify:

In December 2022, the Burkinabe government decided to ban Radio France Internationale (RFI) from broadcasting. On March 27, 2023, France 24 was banned from broadcasting. The government accused it of broadcasting an interview with the leader of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).

But that’s not all. On April 1, 2023, Sophie Douce and Agnès Faivre, correspondents for Le Monde and Libération, were expelled from Burkina Faso. Agnès Faivre lost her accreditation after “Libération” published the findings of an investigation on March 27, which strongly displeased the authorities. The journalist, now back in France, agreed to give us an interview:

What are the risks of being a journalist in Burkina Faso?

There’s a security threat in the country, which has been facing a jihadist insurgency since 2015 that has intensified considerably from 2018-2019. It’s deteriorating very quickly, with 12 out of 13 regions more or less intensely affected by incidents blamed on armed terrorist groups. It’s risky to travel, to go into the field. Very few journalists can travel, although some Burkinabè do, but they are very rare. Moreover, since Ibrahim Traoré came to power, freedom of the press and of opinion have been progressively curtailed. Other risks have emerged for journalists, with an increase in threats, pressure and intimidation.

How is the government trying to censor/control the media and put pressure on journalists?

There is direct pressure from the authorities, and frequent calls to order. Journalists have been summoned to the Service de la Sûreté, an intelligence service, and to the Conseil Supérieur de la Communication for reframing, while others have been sued for defamation or ordered to reveal their sources. When a journalist does not follow the regime’s propaganda, he or she is attacked on social networks, or even accused of being “stateless”. Last but not least, there are hate messages posted on Whatsapp calling for the murder of certain journalists, or the burning down of the premises of Omega Médias, a free-spirited audiovisual group.

What is the current situation between the media and the government? How would you define journalist-government relations in Burkina Faso?

It’s almost a dialogue of the deaf. Burkina Faso’s journalists are trying to negotiate greater freedom of expression, the means to cover the conflict, and better access to official sources, which have been considerably reduced since September 2022. But Burkina Faso’s journalists are demonized and have little room for maneuver.

Why were you expelled from Burkina Faso?

It was following an investigation that appeared in Libération on March 27. We received a video in which a man filmed seven children and teenagers lying on the ground, visibly dead, their hands tied and blindfolded. At one point, one of them lifts a stone and drops it on a child’s face, claiming he was still breathing. It was a very cruel video featuring men dressed in “half-season” fatigues and T-shirts. We investigated these extra-judicial executions and were able to identify that elements of the regular army were present, and that it had taken place in a barracks in Ouahigouya, a town in the north of Burkina Faso. Shortly after the attack on a VDP (Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland) base, dozens of people had been rounded up in certain Ouahigouya neighborhoods, with the support of the army. The investigation strongly displeased the authorities.

How did you find out that you had been expelled from the country?

The survey was published on Monday, and on Friday I was summoned to the Sûreté, the intelligence service. The interview lasted 1h30. That evening, the officer who had interviewed me came to my home to tell me, on the doorstep, that I’d been deported and that I had 24 hours to leave the country, but he gave no reason. Overnight, the disinformation campaigns targeting me and Sophie Douce began. The day I was summoned to the Sûreté, they also summoned my colleague Sophie Douce (“Le Monde”). We really didn’t understand why she was associated with this, as “Le Monde” hadn’t investigated the video.

Correspondents Agnès Faivre (« Libération ») and Sophie Douce (« Le Monde ») 

Following the suspension of both RFI and France 24, and the expulsion of correspondents from “Libération” and “Le Monde”, the NGO Amnesty International called on the Burkina Faso authorities to “cease attacks and threats against press freedom and freedom of expression” on April 7.

While French media no longer seem welcome in Burkina Faso, the presence of French military forces was also a source of great tension.

In January 2023, several hundred people demonstrated in Ouagadougou against the French presence, demanding, among other things, the departure of the French ambassador and the closure of the French army base at Kamboinsin, where 400 special forces are stationed. Finally, on February 19, 2023, the Burkinabe government announced the total withdrawal of French soldiers from Ouagadougou, after 15 years in the country. When he came to power in autumn 2022, Ibrahim Traoré had given France 30 days to withdraw its troops (until February 25, 2023).

Brazil : does Lula’s re-election mark the return of the free press ?

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For more than four years, former president Jair Bolsonaro fueled a witch hunt against the Brazilian press and its journalists. More than 150 days after the inauguration of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, what has become of the muzzled press? Can we now say that the press is free again in Brazil? L’Œil de la maison des journalistes takes stock. 

In addition to the attacks on the press, Brazil has also suffered attacks on democracy in the broadest sense. On January 8, 2023, just as millions of voters had made their choice for Brazil’s new president, riots broke out in Brasilia, the country’s federal capital, to contest the results.

More than 300 people were arrested that evening, as hundreds of pro-Bolsonaro supporters stormed administrative buildings. 

Traveling in Florida at the time of the riot, Jair Bolsonaro admitted having “accidentally” shared a video disputing the presidential results, galvanizing his supporters.

Numerous criticisms and accusations undermined the press, suspected of having fomented a rigged election with Lula. Since 2018, everything was done to muzzle journalists: online harassment campaigns, insults, denigration of their work…

Brazilian journalist, “enemy of the people”

Born in Rio in 1988, Artur Romeu lived most of his life in the capital, before moving to France between 2013 and 2015 for a master’s degree in humanitarian law. He has been working in the field for 15 years, mainly in Brazil but also throughout Latin America. Hired as an intern at RSF in 2015, Artur took over as head of the office in November 2022.

“It’s difficult to have a concrete idea” of the most complicated subjects to cover according to him, as violence against the press existed long before Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency.

“Since 2010, Brazil has been the country with the second highest number of journalists killed in Latin America behind Mexico” – 30 people. What did they have in common? They all worked in small and medium-sized towns, covering local and daily news. 

Journalists who are “invisible” in the Brazilian press and the major newsrooms of the southeast, but who remain the first victims of violence and prosecution.

Cyber-harassment has become commonplace for journalists, especially for those who are most popular and most present online.

Photo de Sam McGhee

“The Bolsonaro government has been able to attack the press and create this image of the journalist as the enemy of the people in the collective imagination, and the major networks are particularly targeted.”

In 2022, RSF carried out a survey of journalists facing hate networks: in 3 months, during the election period, the team noted over three million attacks on Twitter (offensive content, insults…). The Bolsonarian government operated a “coup de force to discredit the press and control public debate.” 

A situation that the Lula government is now trying to reverse, thanks in particular to the creation of a national observatory on violence against the press, under the aegis of President Lula.

“However, there are still ‘zones of silence’ for journalists in the country. If we talk about censorship in these areas, for example, people can sometimes find it hard to understand.”

Environment and agriculture, black sheeps of journalism in Brazil

“Areas of silence” corroborated by journalist Pierre Le Duff. “In many rural regions of the country, such as the central-west, agriculture and large rural estates are the main sources of wealth and employment.” 

Currently freelancing for several television, radio and online media in Brazil for almost five years, Pierre Le Duff agreed to talk to MDJ. 

According to the journalist, “all the subjects linked to agribusiness, human rights and the environment” are very complicated to cover. Pesticides, water use, deforestation, fires, slave labor… remain mostly taboo.

One of her colleagues had a painful experience of this, “following a report on the historic fires that ravaged the Pantanal in 2020. My colleague received a message from the son of a farmer we had interviewed,” telling her that she and her team would “no longer be able to return to the region.” 

“His father had told us that he used slash-and-burn agriculture, a practice that had been singled out as the main cause of the fires, which had grown to gigantic proportions. It was simple intimidation, received after the publication of our report.” 

However, Pierre Le Duff points to “the murder last year of British journalist Dom Phillips in the Amazon, which reminds us that being a foreigner is no guarantee of protection” in Brazil.

“Anyone who closely investigates subjects as sensitive as criminal activity in the Amazon or other isolated regions of Brazil is potentially putting themselves at risk.”

Polarizing political debate to muzzle the press

Mistrust of the foreign media is also rife: “we are all the more suspected of being biased in our coverage. But those most likely to face hostility from far-right activists, or online harassment, remain journalists from Brazil’s mainstream media, who are also highly critical of Bolsonaro’s government.“

Pierre Le Duff nonetheless temporizes, and points out that he has never been personally threatened because he has “rarely covered very sensitive subjects“, such as the elections or Amazonia. 

However, outside of these subjects, “Brazilians are pretty open when it comes to talking to journalists. They have a relaxed relationship with images, which makes things easier for television. But politics, since the 2018 presidential campaign, is a topic that some simply don’t want to talk about.“

For many of the country’s citizens, the refusal to speak out is explained “by the fear that their words will be hijacked to serve a left-wing discourse or the interests of the opposing camp.” 

After four years of a mortifying policy against the media, pro-Bolsonaro are “convinced that journalists are all left-wing and anti-Bolsonaro, to the point of abandoning all ethics with the sole aim of damning him. This has been a reality since 2018, and has become even more pronounced during the 2022 presidential campaign.“

Woman, journalist and Brazilian: the triple whammy

Franco-Brazilian Bruno Meyerfeld, a freelancer working for Le Monde since 2019, points out that “it’s always more difficult to work on local subjects when you’re Brazilian rather than foreign.” 

In his view, the most complicated topics to cover remain corruption and embezzlement at local level.

“Talking about a member of parliament, a councillor or a mayor who embezzles funds or takes part in illegal activity represents a very great risk” for Brazilians, “as does talking about gold mining.” 

But attacking paramilitary organizations and militias proves to be the most dangerous: “the police and military enjoy great impunity in Brazil, especially in Rio“, testifies Bruno Meyerfeld.

Although he has not personally received any threats or pressure, “I have been taken to task by pro-Bolsonaro supporters. Foreign journalists can then be physically threatened.”

In 2019, reporting from the Amazon shortly before the diplomatic crisis between Macron and Bolsonaro, Bruno felt “real hostility from local communities involved in deforestation.” 

Attempts at intimidation and espionage were the order of the day, “but there were no direct threats, just “dangerous” attitudes. In this kind of situation, “if you stay, we can’t guarantee what will happen.” 

Bruno Meyerfeld takes the example of an interview with a Bolsonarist elected official in the northeast of the country, who had the slogan “if you move, I’ll shoot“, and stored rifles in his office. His assistant himself carried a Kalashnikov, and a mannequin in bulletproof vest stood in the room. 

“Interviewees sometimes put their pistols on the table or display them prominently, especially in Brasilia where there are a lot of weapons,” making the interview that much more anxiety-inducing.

A tension that can lead to the death of foreign journalists, such as Dom Philips on June 5, 2022, but the risk falls particularly on Brazilian journalists, “whose murder can go unnoticed. They don’t have the same protection; we have the status, the nationality and the media to back us up.“

An even more terrible situation for the country’s female journalists, in a “very misogynistic” society, where intimidation and marginalization of women are ingrained in the culture. Brazil is one of the countries with the highest number of feminicides, leading to much domestic violence. Journalism is no exception to the rule, where Bruno Meyerfeld observes “a huge difference in treatment.” 

Threatened publicly and physically, they will have lived through hell under the Bolsonaro presidency. The former president and his sons tried to “destroy the lives of two Brazilian journalists“, in particular Patricia Campos Mello, author of an extensive investigation into the Bolsonaro party. 

Major campaigns of intimidation and online harassment punctuated their daily lives throughout the presidency.

All the obstacles that the Brazilian media players have to overcome do not prevent them from following through on their investigations, nor from helping foreign journalists if need be. For Bruno, the “great generosity” of Brazilian journalists is a reality. 

“They take considerable risks because they are passionate about their profession, and they are aware of the weight of truth in a country with a fragile democracy. They have a much stronger investigative culture than in France, and sometimes they even offer us subjects to help us. There’s no animosity or rancor on their part towards other journalists,” he testifies.

But with the inauguration of President Lula, our interviewee describes “a country that is generally calmer, at the end of a very tough political cycle.” With the hundreds of arrests following the riots of January 8, pro-Bolsonaro “have understood that they risk ending up in prison and that justice can crack down“, leading to less violence in the streets.

However, Brazil still has a long way to go to proclaim the return of a free and independent press: the country still ranks 110th in RSF’s press freedom index, and continues to attack the lives of journalists. It remains to be seen whether the Observatory of Violence against the Press will soon be able to protect reporters and consolidate press freedom.

Maud Baheng Daizey. Translation by Andrea Petitjean.

AFRIQUE : la Turquie est-elle une amie de poids ?

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Par Jean-Jules LEMA LANDU, journaliste congolais, réfugié en France

Les lampions se sont éteints sur la présidentielle turque. Le président sortant Erdogan l’a emporté haut la main. L’événement a intéressé autant les pays du Nord que ceux du Sud, la Turquie constituant une espèce de plaque tournante entre l’Occident, l’Afrique, le Proche-Orient et l’Asie.

Pour la première fois, le continent africain y a manifesté un intérêt indéniable, alors qu’il y a vingt ans, ce pays lui paressait quelque peu distant.

Les graines de cette coopération tous azimuts entre le pays de Mustafa Kemal et le continent sont plantées en 2003, avec l’arrivée au pouvoir d’Erdogan, en qualité de Premier ministre et, plus tard, de président de la République. Au point où, aujourd’hui, nombre d’observateurs n’hésitent pas à penser que « la Turquie en Afrique, c’est Erdogan ».

C’est lui qui, depuis deux décennies, essaie de distiller un soft power turc en Afrique. Pendant cet intervalle, en ce sens, la Turquie d’Erdogan fait flèche de tout bois. Celle de la diplomatie a atteint pleinement sa cible, par l’ouverture de 44 ambassades sur 55 pays.

A l’instar de la France, qui en compte 46. Démarche coiffée par également plus de 40 déplacements présidentiels. Un véritable marathon diplomatique – sans égal -, qui donne la mesure de l’action multisectorielle menée par Ankara.

Des échanges commerciaux multipliés par 9

Dans le domaine commercial,  les échanges annuels entre les deux partenaires, de 2003 à 2021,  sont passés de 4,4 milliards d’euros à 34 milliards d’euros, selon les chiffres du ministère turc des Affaires étrangères, repris par BBC World Service.

Avec à la clé l’attribution de plusieurs projets d’infrastructures, comme la piscine olympique de Dakar, au Sénégal, ou « la Kigali Arena », au Rwanda, le plus grand stade d’Afrique de l’Est. C’est déjà notable, à côté d’autres réalisations moins brillantes, à trouver ici et là.

Sur le plan militaire, Ankara possède une base militaire, à Djibouti, en Somalie. C’est dans l’air du temps. Mais, il se préoccupe également de la situation sécuritaire en Afrique de l’Ouest, où, dans le cadre des contrats d’armement, il a livré des drones TB2 au Mali et au Burkina Faso, ainsi que des véhicules blindés et autres systèmes de protection ou de surveillance.

Non sans oublier le domaine du développement et de l’humanitaire, à travers la présence des ONG bien structurées qu’elle finance grassement. Enfin, son œil est posé aussi sur le culturel, exclusivement sur la promotion des écoles coraniques, un des véritables leviers du soft power turc, en Afrique de l’Ouest, à dominante musulmane…

C’est peu dire que le pays d’Erdogan a pris des racines au continent. Dans un climat de confiance mutuelle. Tout est donc au beau fixe. A preuve, cette approbation unanime des chefs d’Etat, dès 2005, de compter la Turquie parmi les observateurs de l’Union africaine (UA) et, trois ans plus tard, de l’élever au rang de « partenaire stratégique ».

La présence massive des chefs d’Etats africains au troisième sommet Turquie-Afrique, en décembre 2021, à Istanbul, est une autre preuve de cette solide amitié partagée par les deux partenaires.

A tout prendre, la Turquie semble donc une amie sérieuse, avec qui l’Afrique peut compter pour exercer une coopération « gagnant-gagnant ». Selon la fameuse formule d’Erdogan : « L’Afrique pour les Africains ». Tout ce qui fait qu’il y ait brouille avec les autres pays amis, quand cette note manque au solfège.

GUINEA. THE PRESS AGAINST THE MILITARY JUNTA

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Journalist, TV host, producer and director of institutional documentaries and fiction, Alhussein Sano is a Guinean intellectual. He entered the media world with the creation of his production agency MAXI PLUS in 1995, and can look back on 28 years of journalistic experience. Now a member of the Maison des Journalistes, Alhussein discusses the weakening of press freedom in Guinea through his trials and tribulations.

In 2007, his CLAP arts and culture program became part of the national television network (RTG1) and is his proudest achievement. Satisfied with the ratings, the channel asked him to perfect the program schedule from 2009 onwards. Despite the promising career ahead of him, Alhussein nevertheless notes that replacements at RTG are based on ethnicity: “RTG’s administration was very Malinkinized from 2010 onwards (editor’s note: the Malinké ethnic group has become the majority among administrators), and it was impressive: the new editorial line was now based on praise for the new president at the time, Alpha Condé”, with no regard for journalistic neutrality. 

Despite the chaotic political situation, Alhussein was appointed program director in 2013, “at the suggestion of the director at the time.” He then pursued his projects for RTG and for MAXI PLUS, “one of the best-equipped production companies in the country.“

Ethnicity, central to the life of a Guinean journalist

But in February 2019, just as President Alpha Condé had reached the end of his second term, the country went up in flames. President since 2010, Alpha Condé was attempting to amend the constitution to maintain his grip on power, triggering violently repressed demonstrations and the anger of the opposition. Alpha Condé’s rival political party, the FNDC, held elections despite dozens of deaths, reaffirming its position for a third term in 2020. A coup d’état by the military junta on September 5, 2021 finally led to his removal from office. 

A dark period for Alhussein, starting in 2019: invited by RTG’s managing director to a meeting of his political party, the RPG, Alhussein understands that he is expected to fall in line. “He decided that this was a good opportunity for me, because I belong to the Malinké ethnic group like him“, one of the country’s main ethnic groups, from which Alpha Condé is descended. “I was shocked by what he said,” explains our JRI in a relentless tone. “I told him that my profession as a journalist demanded impartiality in my work.” This resistance cost him his home and he paid for it with exile. He affirms that “I never accepted his proposal, because this community divide played no part in my decision, especially as I didn’t support their plan for a third mandate. Over time, the divorce between us became definitive.”

Little by little, Alhussein saw his responsibilities and his work trampled underfoot: the simple refusal to take part in a political meeting was enough to destroy his career in Guinea. “I was excluded from all the channel’s activities. Our relationship really soured because of my cousin Abdourahamane Sano, National Coordinator of the FNDC (Front National pour la Défense de la Constitution), a civilian group opposed to the military junta.”

The high price of press resistance

A social opposition movement, the FNDC is behind a series of demonstrations against the modification of the Constitution in February 2019 against Alpha Condé. The CNRD offered his cousin Abdourahamane Sano a seat in the transitional government, which he refused. He had aroused the ire of the regime, which therefore focused on Alhussein.

“I was then replaced by an RPG party activist in my post, to break my career plan.” As if that wasn’t enough, Alhussein was demoted to head of the Production and Directing Section at RTG 2, a non-broadcasting channel. 

Still with a fierce desire to do his job and a production company of his own, the Guinean journalist concentrated on his projects, in particular making a documentary on the activities of the FNDC, for which his cousin worked. Unfortunately for him, the difficulties didn’t stop there.

He explains to our microphone that “following the coup d’état of September 5, 2021, perpetrated by the military group CNRD (Comité National du Rassemblement pour le Développement), Guineans thought they had lost an executioner (Alpha Condé) and thought they had found themselves a hero, the head of the military junta Colonel Mamady Doumbouya.” Yet, as Alhussein so aptly recalls, Mamady Doumbouya “had witnessed and participated in the exactions of Alpha’s regime.” 

Skeptical, Alhussein observes the vise tightening around Guinean journalists, including himself. “Military regimes often show little respect for human rights, and use every means to silence political leaders who do not share their ideals,” he laments.

In January 2022, Alhussein was invited to a meeting with the new Secretary General of the Ministry of Communication, in order to reshape RTG1 and 2’s programs. Explaining that he wanted to maintain his professional integrity, Alhussein came up against a demagogic wall, costing him his position as Program Director. “The Secretary General called me out rudely: “Are you still refusing to help us? I was really surprised by this reaction, then he added in the same tone: “When you change your mind, the doors of the department will be wide open to you”. There was something fishy about all this verbal abuse. In April, I had another meeting in the General Manager’s office. Two men were in front of me: one said he liked my show, and the other confided in me that he wanted FNDC members to see my documentary“. 

A trap he doesn’t fall into. “I replied that, according to the contract, once the film had been made, the producer had to get the film back, along with all the media and rushes used. They insisted, to no avail. I suspected they were there to trick me.” 

As the discussion progressed, the men in the general manager’s office learned that Alhussein’s passport had expired. They offered to make a photocopy to end his administrative deadlock. Not fooled, Alhussein gave them only one passport, the other still holding a visa. “I understood that they were intelligence agents who wanted to confiscate my valid passport. It’s a very common practice in Guinea,” he says with some pride.

The press, collateral damage of a political crisis

Following the fall of Alpha Condé to the CNRD, the FNDC called for new waves of protests against the military junta. The junta had promised to hand over power to civilians, but settled in without announcing an expiry date.

CNRD and FNDC clashed on all fronts. “The military deemed it necessary to annihilate all FNDC actors who had played a major role in the downfall of Alpha Condé, as well as all supposed collaborators“, including himself. On July 5, 2022, as the FNDC organized a press conference, its members were brutally arrested by the police and beaten in front of the cameras. They were released after a week, at the request of the population.

After a visit from government agents, Alhussein was forced to vacate his house without notice, and was summarily evicted. He took refuge with his family in Hamdallaye, but they were under surveillance and received impromptu visits from the army, forcing him to go into hiding with friends. 

On July 29, 2022, following a large-scale citizen mobilization, Alhussein decided to check on his family. “In less than 30 minutes, two pick-ups with hooded soldiers burst into the courtyard of the family home. They knew I was there and started searching the house, confiscating phones, stealing our money and brutalizing my sisters. I barely escaped by climbing over the backyard wall.” If he manages to escape, Alhussein must leave behind his precious computers, now in the hands of the military, as well as his editing equipment.

“In Guinea, when you’re arrested, you can be killed without follow-up, or you risk dying in prison or spending years there without being tried.”

For him, the entire Guinean press is on borrowed time. “Of course, it was the same with Alpha Condé; there’s a real continuity in his policies. You can’t say everything about the Guinean junta, and you can feel it.” Independent or state-owned, the media have been and still are muzzled by those in power. 

The latest examples include a journalist summoned in July after an article on a truckload of medicines blocked by the military, and another arrested for covering the social work of mine workers in Boké this year. An asphyxiating situation for Guineans, from which it seems impossible to escape.

“All the media are controlled by the Haute Autorité de la Communication, which has kept the same president after Condé. Scripts are drawn up by the government and distributed to the public media. If a radio station wants to be commercial, it will inevitably become political. They are the very expression and communication of power. If we don’t play the game, journalists can be banned from the airwaves,” says Alhussein.

Hardly optimistic, he would like to continue his work in France, “where freedom of expression is protected. The state protects its freedom better, so now I can talk about Guinea without being worried. Even if the head of the junta leaves, all his men have been placed in the ministries, it would be an illusion.” An impasse into which Alhussein no longer plans to slip. Other Guineans, however, continue to defy the authorities and the army by simply doing their job. Information soldiers whose courage should not be forgotten.

By Maud Baheng Daizey. Translation by Andrea Petitjean.

CHOKRI CHIHI, journaliste exilé : “J’ai été agressé, tabassé, giflé, menacé de mort par la police.”

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Né à Tunis (Tunisie) le 29 avril 1983, Chokri Chihi grandit avec ses quatre frères au sein d’une famille modeste. S’il suit un master en droit international privé en 2006 à la faculté de Tunis, le journalisme apparaît rapidement comme une évidence pour Chokri : “Depuis petit, je suis bavard, je parle beaucoup, je participe aux débats. J’ai fait des études de droit, j’aurais pu être avocat, mais le journalisme s’est imposé à moi naturellement”.

Il débute sa carrière de journaliste en 2007 et travaille pour un hebdomadaire très connu en Tunisie, Akhbar Joumhouria. Chokri publie des articles sur les violences policières et la corruption dans les clubs de football tunisiens, qu’il condamne fermement. Passionné de sport, de documentaires et de faits divers, il se forme au journalisme d’investigation, journalisme sportif, et journalisme de guerre.

Depuis 2012, Chokri est aussi rédacteur en chef du journal électronique espacemanager.com (version arabe). Il se spécialise également dans la rédaction et création de documentaires au sein du centre Al Jazeera en 2014, où il travaillera en tant que journaliste d’investigation et assistant de production de documentaires jusqu’en 2018.

Un journaliste engagé dans le collimateur des autorités

En 2011, la “Révolution du jasmin” explose en Tunisie. S’il participe aux manifestations pour réclamer la chute du régime en tant que citoyen, Chokri couvre les événements en tant que journaliste.

Les policiers s’en prennent violemment aux manifestants et aux opposants politiques, et Chokri condamne ces actes en appelant à la démocratie. Il l’affirme fièrement : il est et a toujours été un fervent défenseur de la liberté d’expression, de la démocratie, et des droits de l’homme.

Chokri Chihi lors d’une manifestation en faveur de la liberté d’expression devant le siège du syndicat tunisien “Non aux agressions envers les journalistes” en 2018.

Mais les policiers n’apprécient pas le travail du journaliste qui publie des articles dans lesquels il dénonce les bavures policières. Il devient alors la cible de menaces, provocations, harcèlement, agressions et kidnappings de la part des policiers tunisiens.

C’est le début d’une longue série d’acharnement qui durera des années, jusqu’à son départ en 2022.

En 2018, la carrière de Chokri prend un nouveau tournant. L’affaire Omar Laabidi, un jeune tunisien de 19 ans mort par noyade après un match de foot, le poussera à fuir son pays, où il n’était plus en sécurité.

“Le 1er avril 2018, je couvrais un match de football quand une amie m’a appelé pour me dire qu’un jeune supporter s’était noyé dans la rivière à proximité du stade. Je me suis rendu sur place, plusieurs policiers étaient présents. Ils m’ont expliqué que le jeune s’était noyé à la suite d’une bagarre entre supporters de clubs rivaux, et qu’ils étaient à la recherche du cadavre disparu. J’ai décidé d’enquêter, et j’ai interviewé et enregistrer le récit d’un témoin, puis j’ai découvert que les policiers avaient poursuivi le jeune homme avec des matraques avant de le noyer, tandis qu’il implorait de l’aide. J’ai transmis l’enregistrement à une chaîne de télévision, et l’affaire est devenue publique. Les policiers voulaient ma peau. J’ai été agressé, tabassé, giflé, menacé de mort par la police. J’ai été kidnappé et sévèrement battu”.

Devenue emblématique de l’impunité policière, l’affaire Omar Laabidi a choqué l’opinion publique et fait réagir la scène internationale. Les 12 policiers impliqués dans l’affaire ont été condamnés à deux ans de prison ferme pour homicide involontaire en novembre 2022, pas moins de quatre ans après le meurtre du jeune homme. 

Au pouvoir depuis 2019, le président tunisien Kaïs Saïed laisse peu de place à la liberté de la presse. Sous la pression du gouvernement, les journalistes sont nombreux à s’autocensurer pour ne pas s’attirer les foudres des autorités.

Le 25 juillet 2021, Kaïs Saïed orchestre un coup d’état, que Chokri n’hésite pas à critiquer. “Il n’y a pas de liberté de la presse en Tunisie, les arrestations, les emprisonnements de journalistes, d’opposants politiques, et de militants des droits de l’homme se succèdent depuis 2021. Il y a des procès devant les tribunaux militaires. Les dissidents qui critiquent Kaïs Saïed sont vus comme des traîtres, des complotistes. En Tunisie, c’est un cauchemar”. 

2022, l’année de trop

Depuis 2018, Chokri subit des avalanches de menaces et d’agressions. Pour autant, il continue d’exprimer son opposition au gouvernement en vigueur. Ses critiques lui valent une intensification des violences policières à son égard : il est l’ennemi numéro un, l’homme à abattre.

Chokri Chihi lors d’une agression policière dans une tribune de presse au stade de Radès en 2022. Une photo de Haikel Hamima.

Il porte plainte à plusieurs reprises pour menaces de mort et agressions, mais en vain, les policiers formant une coalition géante à l’encontre de Chokri, qui est à bout de forces.

“Le 23 avril 2022, alors que je sortais d’un gymnase dans lequel se déroulait une finale de handball d’un championnat, quatre individus en tenue de policiers m’ont kidnappé et m’ont violemment battu dans un camion blindé. Ils me frappaient au visage, je criais mais personne ne m’entendait. Ils ont essayé de trouver des prétextes pour m’emmener devant la justice et me faire mettre derrière les barreaux. Ils m’ont accusé d’insultes envers les agents, puis ils ont essayé de dissimuler de la drogue sur moi. Lorsqu’ils m’ont relâché, c’en était trop. Les menaces, les provocations, les gifles, je m’y étais habitué. Mais les violences avaient monté d’un cran, un cran que je ne pouvais plus supporter. Je vivais dans la peur, je souffrais d’angoisse et de troubles du sommeil, j’ai consulté des psychiatres. Les policiers, eux, se réjouissaient de savoir que j’étais dans un piteux état. Ils m’ont envoyé des messages en riant : “la prochaine fois, on te violera et on te tirera une balle dans la tête”. J’ai démissionné, j’ai vendu ce qui m’appartenait, et j’ai quitté mon pays pour ma sécurité. J’ai pris l’avion pour la France. Après de longs mois marqué par des démarches administratives, j’ai fini par rejoindre la Maison des journalistes” explique Chokri, le regard emprunt de tristesse.

Un nouveau départ en France

Membre de la Maison des journalistes depuis mai 2023, Chokri tente petit à petit de retrouver confiance en l’avenir, lui qui avait perdu tout espoir en Tunisie. Depuis qu’il est en France, Chokri continue son métier de journaliste. Il publie, entre autres, des articles pour espacemanager.com (version arabe), participe à des manifestations en faveur de la démocratie en Tunisie, et est membre du Comité pour le respect des libertés et des droits de l’Homme en Tunisie (CRLDHT).

Chokri Chihi lors d’une manifestation à la place de la République (Paris) en mai 2023.

Mais même en-dehors du pays, le journaliste continue de recevoir des menaces : “J’ai peur de retourner en Tunisie. Les policiers savent que je suis en France, ils ont réussi à me joindre sur mon téléphone. Ils m’envoient des messages pour me menacer, ils me disent qu’ils vont me retrouver et m’enterrer ici en France. Les policiers qui ont été condamnés pour l’affaire Omar Laabidi ne me laisseront pas tranquille. Je ne suis pas le premier journaliste qui doit fuir la Tunisie pour ne pas mourir”.

Loin de se laisser abattre, Chokri a de nombreux projets en tête, dont celui de créer sa chaîne YouTube pour donner la parole aux exilés maghrébins et opposants politiques qui ont trouvé refuge en France. 

Par Andréa Petitjean

Brésil : la réélection de Lula signe-t-elle le retour de la presse libre ?

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Pendant plus de quatre ans, l’ancien président Jair Bolsonaro a nourri une chasse aux sorcières contre la presse brésilienne et ses journalistes. Plus de 150 jours après l’investiture de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, qu’est devenue la presse muselée ? Peut-on dire aujourd’hui qu’elle est de nouveau libre au Brésil ? L’Œil de la maison des journalistes fait le point. 

Marqué par les attaques contre la presse, le Brésil a également subi des atteintes à la démocratie au sens plus large. Le 8 janvier 2023, alors que des millions d’électeurs ont fait leur choix concernant le nouveau président du Brésil, des émeutes éclatent à Brasilia, capitale fédérale du pays, pour contester les résultats.

Plus de 300 personnes sont arrêtées le soir-même, des centaines de pro-Bolsonaro ayant pris d’assaut les bâtiments administratifs. 

En déplacement en Floride au moment de l’émeute, Jair Bolsonaro avait reconnu avoir partagé « accidentellement » une vidéo contestant les résultats de la présidentielle, galvanisant ses supporters.

De nombreuses critiques et accusations ont miné la presse, soupçonnée d’avoir fomenté une élection truquée avec Lula. Depuis 2018, tout était bon pour museler les journalistes : campagnes de harcèlement en ligne, insultes, dénigrement de leur travail…

Le journaliste brésilien, « ennemi du peuple »

Né en 1988 à Rio, Artur Romeu a vécu une grande partie de sa vie dans la capitale, avant de passer en France entre 2013 et 2015 pour un master en droit de l’humanitaire. Il travaille dans le domaine depuis 15 ans, principalement au Brésil mais également dans toute l’Amérique latine. Engagé en tant que stagiaire chez RSF en 2015, Artur a pris la direction du bureau depuis novembre 2022.

« Il est difficile d’avoir une idée concrète » des sujets les plus compliqués à couvrir selon lui, car la violence envers la presse existait bien avant la présidence de Jair Bolsonaro.

« Depuis 2010, le Brésil est le second pays avec le plus grand nombre de journalistes tués en Amérique latine derrière le Mexique », soit 30 personnes. Leurs points en commun ? Tous travaillaient dans des petites et moyennes villes, et couvraient l’actualité locale et quotidienne. 

Des journalistes « invisibilisés » dans la presse brésilienne et les grandes rédactions du sud-est, mais qui demeurent les premières victimes des violences et poursuites judiciaires.

Le cyberharcèlement est devenu monnaie courante pour les journalistes, surtout pour les plus populaires et les plus présents en ligne. 

Photo de Sam McGhee

« Le gouvernement Bolsonaro a su s’attaquer à la presse et créer cette image du journaliste ennemi du peuple dans l’imaginaire collectif, et les grandes chaînes sont particulièrement visées. »

En 2022, RSF a fait un travail d’enquête sur les journalistes face aux réseaux de la haine : en 3 mois, durant la période électorale, l’équipe a relevé plus de trois millions d’attaques sur Twitter (contenu offensif, insultes…). Le gouvernement bolsonarien a opéré un « coup de force pour décrédibiliser la presse et contrôler le débat public. » 

Une situation que le gouvernement Lula tente aujourd’hui d’inverser, notamment grâce à la création d’un observatoire national des violences contre la presse, sous l’égide du président Lula.

« Pourtant, nous avons encore dans le pays des “zones de silence” pour les journalistes. Si nous évoquons par exemple la censure dans ces zones, les populations peuvent parfois avoir une difficulté d’appréhension. » 

Environnement et agriculture, bêtes noires du journalisme au Brésil

Des « zones de silence » que le journaliste Pierre Le Duff corrobore. « Dans de nombreuses régions rurales du pays tel le centre-ouest, l’agriculture et les grandes propriétés rurales sont les principales sources de richesse et pourvoyeurs d’emplois. » 

Actuellement en freelance pour plusieurs médias télévisés, radio et presse en ligne au Brésil depuis près de cinq ans, Pierre Le Duff a accepté de se confier au micro de la MDJ. 

Selon le journaliste, « tous les sujets liés à l’agro-négoce, ayant trait aux droits de l’Homme et à l’environnement » sont très compliqués à couvrir et traiter. Les pesticides, l’usage de l’eau, la déforestation, les incendies, le travail esclave... Demeurent pour la plupart du temps tabous.

Une de ses collègues en a fait la douloureuse expérience, « à la suite d’un reportage sur les incendies historiques qui ont ravagé le Pantanal en 2020. Ma collègue a reçu un message du fils d’un fermier que nous avions interviewé », lui annonçant qu’elle et son équipe ne pourraient « plus revenir dans la région. » 

« Son père nous avait déclaré avoir recours au brûlis agricole, pratique pointée du doigt comme la principale cause des incendies qui avaient pris des dimensions gigantesques. C’est une simple intimidation, reçue après la publication de notre reportage. » 

Pierre Le Duff interpelle toutefois sur « l’assassinat l’an dernier du journaliste britannique Dom Phillips en Amazonie, qui nous rappelle qu’être étranger n’est pas un gage de protection » au Brésil.

« Quiconque enquête de près sur des sujets aussi sensibles que les activités criminelles en Amazonie ou dans d’autres régions isolées du Brésil se met potentiellement en danger. »

Une polarisation du débat politique pour museler la presse

La méfiance envers les médias étrangers est également très présente : « nous sommes d’autant plus suspects d’être partiaux dans notre couverture. Mais les plus susceptibles d’être confrontés à l’hostilité des militants d’extrême-droite, ou au harcèlement en ligne, restent les journalistes des grands médias brésiliens, aussi très critiques du gouvernement de Bolsonaro. »

Pierre Le Duff temporise néanmoins, et rappelle qu’il n’a jamais été menacé personnellement car il a « peu couvert des sujets très sensibles », telles que les élections ou l’Amazonie. 

Pourtant en-dehors de ces sujets, « les Brésiliens sont plutôt ouverts quand il s’agit de parler aux journalistes. Ils ont un rapport décomplexé à l’image, ce qui facilite les choses pour la télévision. Mais la politique, depuis la campagne présidentielle de 2018, est un thème que certains ne veulent tout simplement pas aborder. »

Pour beaucoup de citoyens du pays, le refus de s’exprimer s’explique « par la crainte que l’on détourne leur propos pour servir un discours de gauche ou les intérêts du camp adverse. » 

Après quatre ans d’une politique mortifère contre les médias, les pro-Bolsonaro sont « convaincus que les journalistes sont tous de gauche et anti-Bolsonaro, au point d’abandonner toute déontologie dans l’unique but de l’accabler. C’est une réalité depuis 2018, et cela s’est encore accentué pendant la campagne présidentielle de 2022. » 

Femme, journaliste et brésilienne : la triple-peine

Le franco-brésilien Bruno Meyerfeld, pigiste indépendant et pour Le Monde depuis 2019, dénote « qu’il est toujours plus difficile de travailler sur des sujets locaux lorsqu’on est brésilien plutôt qu’étranger. » 

Les thèmes les plus compliqués à traiter demeurent à ses yeux la corruption et le détournement d’argent au niveau local.

« Parler d’un député, un conseiller municipal ou un maire qui détourne des fonds ou participe à une activité illégale représente un très grand risque » pour les Brésiliens, « de même qu’évoquer l’orpaillage. » 

Mais s’attaquer aux organisations paramilitaires et milices s’avère être le plus dangereux : « les policiers et les militaires bénéficient d’une grande impunité au Brésil, surtout à Rio », témoigne Bruno Meyerfeld.

S’il n’a personnellement pas reçu de menaces ou pression, « il m’est arrivé d’être pris à partie par les pro-Bolsonaro. Les journalistes étrangers peuvent alors être menacés physiquement. »

En 2019, en reportage dans l’Amazonie peu de temps avant la crise diplomatique entre Macron et Bolsonaro, Bruno a ressenti « une vraie hostilité des communautés locales participant à la déforestation. » 

Tentative d’intimidation et d’espionnage ont alors été le mot d’ordre « mais il n’y a pas eu de menace directe, plutôt des attitudes » dangereuses. Dans ce genre de situation, « si vous restez, on ne peut garantir ce qui va arriver. » 

Bruno Meyerfeld prend l’exemple de l’interview d’un élu bolsonariste dans le nord-est du pays, qui avait pour slogan « si tu bouges, je tire », et entreposait des fusils dans son bureau. Son assistant portait lui-même une kalachnikov, et un mannequin vêtu d’un gilet pare-balles se tenait dans la pièce. 

« Il arrive que des interviewés posent leurs pistolets sur la table ou les présentent en évidence, notamment à Brasilia où il y a beaucoup d’armes », de quoi rendre l’interview bien plus anxiogène.

Une tension qui peut mener à la mort des journalistes étrangers, tel Dom Philips le 5 juin 2022, mais le risque incombe particulièrement les journalistes brésiliens, « dont le meurtre peut passer inaperçu. Ils ne bénéficient pas de la même protection, nous avons le statut, la nationalité et le média en plus pour nous soutenir. »

Une situation encore plus terrible pour les femmes journalistes du pays, dans une société « très misogyne », où l’intimidation et la marginalisation des femmes sont ancrées dans la culture. Le Brésil est l’un des pays avec le plus de féminicides, conduisant à beaucoup de violences domestiques. Le journalisme n’échappe pas à la règle, où Bruno Meyerfeld constate « une grande différence de traitement. » 

Menacées publiquement et physiquement, elles auront vécu l’enfer sous la présidence Bolsonaro. L’ancien président ainsi que ses fils ont tenté de « détruire la vie de deux journalistes brésiliennes », notamment celle de Patricia Campos Mello, auteure d’une vaste enquête sur le parti Bolsonaro. 

De grandes campagnes d’intimidations et de harcèlement en ligne ont rythmé leur quotidien pendant toute la présidence.

Tous les obstacles que doivent traverser les acteurs des médias brésiliens ne les empêchent pas d’aller jusqu’au bout de leurs investigations, ni d’aider les journalistes étrangers si besoin. Pour Bruno, la « grande générosité » des journalistes brésiliens est une réalité. 

« Ils prennent des risques considérables car ils sont passionnés par le métier, ils ont conscience du poids de la vérité dans un pays à la démocratie fragile. Ils ont une culture de l’investigation bien plus forte qu’en France, parfois ils nous offrent même des sujets pour nous aider. Il n’y a aucune animosité ou rancœur de leur part envers les autres journalistes », témoigne-t-il. 

Mais avec l’investiture du président Lula, notre intervenant évoque « un pays globalement apaisé, à la sortie d’un cycle politique très dur. » Avec les centaines d’arrestations suite aux émeutes du 8 janvier, les pro-Bolsonaro « ont compris qu’ils risquent de finir en prison et que la justice peut sévir », conduisant à moins de violences dans les rues.

Du chemin reste cependant à parcourir pour proclamer le retour de la presse libre et indépendante au Brésil : le pays occupe toujours la 110ème place du classement RSF, et continue d’attenter à la vie des journalistes. Reste à savoir si l’observatoire des violences contre la presse permettra bientôt de protéger les reporters et consolider la liberté de la presse.

Maud Baheng Daizey